August 8

Maximum Penalty for Defiant Employer – A Call for Compliance Reform

Maximum Penalty for Defiant Employer – A Wake-Up Call for Compliance Reform

The ‘Bad’ in ‘the Good, the Bad and the Ugly’ from our 8 August 2025 podcast on Restraint of Trade, part 2.

In a landmark decision that underscores the importance of compliance in employment law, the Federal Circuit and Family Court has imposed the maximum penalty available on an employer for failing to comply with a Fair Work Ombudsman (FWO) issued compliance notice. The ruling, delivered by Judge Sandy Street, highlights the court’s growing frustration with repeated non-compliance and calls for urgent legislative reform.

The case originated from a 2023 compliance notice issued by the FWO, which found that the Company had underpaid a worker against his award entitlements. The notice required the company to rectify underpayments from April 2020 to August 2022. Despite this, the company failed to comply and continued operating as usual, even advertising new roles in April 2025.

The FWO proposed a penalty of 75% – 85% of the maximum available, but ultimately Judge Street rejected this proposal, instead opting for the full amount possible due to the employer’s “deliberate and defiant refusal” to engage in the process. A particularly inflammatory email from the company’s sole director to the FWO warned that pursuing the matter could lead to a class action lawsuit and suggested it would be embarrassing for several government officials. Judge Street described the email as “defiant and sarcastic,” reflecting a clear intent to disregard legal obligations.

The Judge emphasised that section 716 of the Fair Work Act 2009 (Cth), which empowers the FWO to issue compliance notices, is a core provision of the FWO’s enforcement powers. He noted that the company’s refusal to participate in proceedings and failure to provide a reasonable excuse for non-compliance prevented the court from calculating the exact underpayment amount. This, combined with the continued operation of the business and the role of senior management in the contravention, justified the maximum penalty.

Just days before this ruling, Judge Street had called for reforms increasing penalties for non-compliance and to empower the FWO to seek the removal of directors who repeatedly flout employment laws. This case serves as a powerful example of why such reforms may be necessary.

For employers, and legal representatives, this decision is a reminder of the consequences of ignoring compliance notices and the importance of engaging constructively with regulatory bodies. It also signals a potential shift toward harsher penalties and broader enforcement powers for the FWO, especially in cases involving deliberate defiance.

As the legal landscape evolves, practitioners should watch closely for legislative changes that may arise from Judge Street’s recommendations.

Fair Work Ombudsman v My IT Partner Pty Ltd [2025] FedCFamC2G 1121

May 26

Cops and Robbers in the ‘Fair Work’ Economy. Are regulatory authorities barking up the wrong tree?

Despite the existence of a national framework of minimum entitlements for employees, there is still a strong distinction between workers’ rights and workers’ reality.  This is particularly the case amongst vulnerable employees.  While much political attention is devoted to the legislative provision of rights, enforcement of these rights is perhaps more relevant.   Two Commonwealth agencies are the primary stakeholders in employer compliance. The Australian Taxation Office  are responsible for enforcement of PAYG tax, FBT, and Superannuation; while the Office of the Fair Work Ombudsman (FWO) is entrusted to enforce the minimum entitlements provided by the Fair Work Act and the Modern Awards.

23438988_lThe majority of enforcement action still arises as a direct result of employee complaints, as gathering other information cost effectively is a challenge for agencies. The agencies share memoranda of understanding with each other, other commonwealth agencies, and many of the large employer organisations.  Both agencies also conduct random audits, based on data provided by employers. The upcoming introduction of ‘single touch payroll’ measures aim to use technological integration with employers to ensure enforcement. These each provide valuable investigative opportunities.

What the overall system lacks, is an effective mechanism for detecting cash.

The “black economy” in Australia is booming, with some estimates valuing it at $15 billion. A large component of this economy exists within in the hospitality and retail industries, who collect cash from customers, and pass some of it on to their employees “cash in hand”. These off the book payments are often made not only with the intent to avoid paying tax and superannuation, but to grossly underpay employees.  These employers are often not known to the ATO, to FWO, or the employer organisations.  Significantly, employees in this situation are typically vulnerable.  Those who even understand or suspect that the practice is wrong, generally believe themselves to be complicit in the wrongdoing, and rarely complain to the authorities.

Employers in cash rich industries such as hospitality and retail, who intentionally intend to exploit workers, evade tax, and mislead the government, have very little incentive to be ‘partially’ compliant. There is no practical benefit to complying with one Commonwealth regime, merely to disregard another.  By far the easiest way to conceal your activity from  FWO, is to concurrently conceal your activity from the ATO.  In the extreme examples such as the 7-eleven cases, employers may declare the actual employment to the ATO, but simply falsify the records, relying upon employee vulnerability and coercion to avoid detection.

It follows, therefore, as a question of logic, that those employers who are at least cooperating with the ATO, and honestly declaring their employees’ wages and tax, are fundamentally less culpable for breaches of the Fair Work Act.  In this situation, non-compliance is generally a product of employers’ ignorance or lack of understanding of the complex framework of obligations.  Most of the time employers in this category are merely careless, at worst reckless, to their obligations.  Very few, in my opinion, are proactively or intentionally non-compliant.

42239861_lFWO’s mandate under the act is to promote a ‘productive, harmonious cooperative workplace’, as well as compliance with the act and other fair work instruments.  The responsibilities are three-fold: to provide education, assistance, and guidance to employees and employers; to investigate; and to bring litigation against employers in order to seek civil penalties. Where this overlaps, and which approach is taken, appears to be at the discretion of FWO, on a case by case basis. The FWO’s Litigation Policy provides that there is a two-step process in place when deciding to litigate. Firstly, there must be sufficient evidence to prosecute the case. Secondly, to commence proceedings must be in the public interest.  Clearly, the ‘educative’ face of FWO’s mandate can be used to determine which employers should be investigated, as a method of collecting evidence, and ultimately informing the decision over whether public interest is engaged.  Like any ‘good cop / bad cop’ move, the results are efficient.

This efficiency, however, creates an odd situation where the real “bad guys” are largely not pursued due to lack of evidence, or other inherent difficulties in bringing prosecutions.  Meanwhile, those who are clearly mostly ignorant, careless, or reckless to their responsibilities, make it all too easy.

A further factor complicates the role of the enforcer.  Like all commonwealth agencies, FWO and ATO do not have infinite resources. They are held to account for their funding, and need to choose the right battles to fight. Current Fair Work Ombudsman Natalie James is on record indicating that litigation decisions are made strategically, with reference to FWO’s particular short term political and social objectives, and most notably, by the employers’ capacity to pay penalties.  This further factor not only complicates FWO’s ability to objectively perform their statutory mandate, but makes this ‘middle ground’ offender, a particularly attractive target.

The Way Forward

Litigation is both time consuming and costly. As private law practitioners we are told, ad nauseam, that prevention is better than cure, and that a litigious approach to most matters is positively irresponsible.  It’s perhaps time our Commonwealth agencies were held to the same standard. Contraventions of the Fair Work Act resulting in litigation, should be reserved for only the objectively most culpable offenders.   There should be no other criteria.

Exposing the worst offenders will only be achieved by the eventual transition to a cashless society. The 2015 Westpac Cash Free report predicts that Australia would be cash free by 2022. In addition, later this year the New Payments Platform will be launched which will allow Australians to send money to another person or business in real-time. The receiver of the payment will be able to be identified by an email address, telephone number or in the case of a business, by their ABN.  In the coming years as we potentially transition to a cashless society, it will be interesting to note the effect these changes will have on the intentional ‘bad guys’, who may find it more difficult to actively dodge their obligations to the Commonwealth. The role of the enforcer may take on some clarity.

Finally, FWO’s complex mandate needs to be properly allocated to at least two different agencies.  To the extent that the fair work system needs an adversarial face, this face should be unmasked at all times.  Procedural fairness dictates it – whether one is a ‘bad guy’ or not.

June 3

FWC minimum wage increase – what does it really mean?

The announcement by the Fair Work Commission yesterday to increase the minimum wage was uncontroversial.   The new rate of $17.29, will represent a $16 increase per week for full time employees.

But what’s interesting about this is the way that it’s been described.  This article suggesting that “Australia’s lowest paid workers” will have an increase from $640.90 to $656.90.  Strictly speaking, this is a little misleading – as full time minimum wage employees are not actually ‘australia’s lowest paid workers’.  There are two separate reasons for this.

Firstly, casualisation of the workforce has been the latest economic trend for employers.  For casual workers a key issue is how much work they are actually offered, and not having access to some of the fundamental securities such as personal leave, paid public holidays and  annual leave which many of us take for granted.  The traditional polarity of employed vs unemployed is no longer the paradigm.  And therefore the traditional measures of minimum wage and percentage unemployment does not tell the whole story.  Under-employment is an issue which forces many families under the poverty line – not want for minimum wage per hour.

The second issue is a lack of proper enforcement.  The cash economies within hospitality, retail, agriculture and many other key domestic industries pay little attention to either the modern awards or the Fair Work Commission’s announcements.  It’s business as usual.  Fifty dollars per day and “as much coffee as you can drink” doesn’t add up to $656.90 very quickly, especially when a lack of superannuation guarantee and workers compenstion coverage is taken into account.   While a small minority of employees may regard cash payments as preferable, to avoid losing unemployment benefits, youth allowance or ausstudy, when the sortfall from minimum entitlements is actually calculated they are very rarely better off.  In my experience the majority of cash employees are simply not given the choice.

The Fair Work Ombudsman has their work cut out dealing with extreme cases such as this.     Investigating every single complaint is onerous, especially when many employees are unwilling to follow through with their complaint.   Even if the Ombudsman was able to audit every business in Australia every five years, this would miss a vast majority of small cash businesses, which have life cycles much shorter than this.

While I support an increase in minimum wage – I don’t see this as the most pressing issue relating to poverty in society or even the key step to be taken by the industrial relations system in Australia to protect vulnerable workers.

cartoon-minimum wage*image from tacomatrashcan.com